Revolutionary Socialism in Canada: What's Next?

by Gary Porter

“Capitalism can’t be fixed.” The contradictions deeply embedded in the capitalist system are irreconcilable, un-resolvable. Canadian workers, organized independently of the ruling class and with an experienced revolutionary socialist leadership, are the only force capable of overturning capitalist rule. To accomplish this historic task, a substantial part of the working class must be organized in militant unions. The unions require a class struggle political leadership, prepared to carry the fight decisively against the billionaires who exploit workers and suppress their rights. Such a struggle quickly involves the capitalist state, the bosses’ police, and their courts. Canadian workers, as they have done on occasion, must form powerful national and international alliances to combat global warming, the wasteful rape of earth’s natural resources, national oppression of the global south, Quebecois and indigenous peoples and endless imperialist wars.

The basic defensive organization of workers against economic exploitation, in Canada and everywhere, is the union. Organized at the factory level, unions can quickly form alliances across industries and geographic territories. Union solidarity against united bosses is the only way to win. The capitalist state was compelled to accept unions as legal entities with the right to bargain collectively and to enforce union contracts. These struggles were massive, often violent struggles against police and armies, over decades. Such struggles continue.

State of the Union

At present, in Canada, according to the most recent 2023 Statistics Canada’s Labour Force Survey, there are a total of 4.96 million union members covered by a collective agreement; that is 30.1 % of the workforce (2026). This means that three in ten workers belong to a union. However, leaders exhibiting no conflicting privileges and demonstrating a clear commitment to a workers’ victory could win transformative gains for workers and significantly undermine capitalist domination.

The following table lists the largest unions in Canada. Note that membership figures fluctuate, and official, certified totals are not yet available. The figures below are compiled from recent union statements and reports.

Regional, National & International Unions with Large Memberships (2025)

Union Membership

Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) - 800,000

National Union of Public and General Employees - 425,000

Unifor - 320,000

United Food and Commercial Workers Canada (UFCW) - 250,000

United Steel Workers (USW) - 225,000

Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC) - 270,000

Fédération des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec (FTQ) - 140,000

Teamsters Canada (TC) - 125,000

Service Employee International Union Canada - 100,000

Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario - 83,000

Canadian Union of Postal Workers - 55,000

International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers - 70,000

Statistics Canada’s State of the Union Report indicates unionization rates vary significantly across the country; from 22.8% in Alberta to 38.2% in Newfoundland and Labrador. Rates declined in every province except PEI from 1997 to 2023. Internationally, the unionization rates vary from 8% in France and 10% in US to 90% in Iceland. Scandinavian countries register at 60% and Canada comes in at 30%.

The demographic profile of union members in Canada has changed significantly over the past 50 years. In 1977, 12% of union members were women. Today 48% of union members are women. Women are taking on leadership roles in several unions, resulting in an increase in militancy, an increasing fight for childcare, maternity and paternity leave, equal pay, and equal access to higher paying jobs. 10% of women were unionized in 1977; 30% of women are unionized today.

The most recent figure from Statistics Canada for the average weekly earnings of all employees is $1,317.16, a 2.5% increase over the last 12 months. Wages in manufacturing average around $20.12 per hour, approximately $41,600 annually. The most recent national data from a House of Commons committee reports the overall wage gap between union and non-union workers in Canada is about 10%. However, this premium can be much higher for specific groups or regions. For part-time workers, the gap is even wider, with unionized part-timers earning 29% more ($32.57/hr) than non-union part-timers ($22.91/hr).

Thus unions still demonstrate their ability to defend workers from the bosses and to improve the lot of their members. The wage difference doesn’t capture the full picture. Unionized workers are often more likely to receive supplementary benefits like health coverage, pensions, and paid leave. Some of the wage gap is narrowed by what’s called the “union threat effect.” To discourage unionization, some non-union employers may offer higher wages and better conditions to stay labour competitive.

Strikes were more prevalent in the 1970s and peaked at 9.1 million days in early 1980’s. Days lost due to labour disputes declined over the decades until 2023 when public sector workers struck for 6.6 million days. Pundits ascribe the incidence of strike actions to inflation rates.

Current labour challenges

The current political situation for the Canadian working class is defined by a powerful contradiction: deep economic anxiety and political alienation are fueling a search for new political voices, as the economic landscape shows increasing signs of deterioration. Workers are caught between nearly stagnant wages, an affordability crisis, and the growing realization that their real interests are not at all represented, not even by the New Democratic Party (NDP).

- Persistent Affordability Crisis: For working-class Canadians, the cost of living is the central issue. Political leaders across the spectrum, from Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre to union heads, acknowledge that housing costs, food bank usage (which has recently doubled), and general unaffordability, constitute a “direct attack on the working-class”.

- A Shifting Job Market: The unemployment rate has risen to 6.5% in early 2026, while full-time work hours are actually increasing. Unemployment is rising despite a shrinking labour force (due to stricter immigration rules and an aging population). The manufacturing and resource sector, heavily exposed to trade wars, shed 28,000 jobs in January and 84,000 in February, highlighting the precarious situation.

Political Realignment:

As economic uncertainty increases, the political loyalty of the working class seems up for grabs, with traditional alliances under strain. The NDP, historically the party of labour, is failing to connect despite workers’ increasing economic and political anxiety. Data shows the Conservative Party has actually won the plurality of the working-class vote for the last 20 years, not the NDP. While the NDP historically scored higher with workers than with other classes, that edge has faded. The party’s base is shifting towards public sector union members and professionals, creating increasing internal tensions with private-sector workers. In a bid to reconnect, major private-sector unions like UFCW Canada endorsed labour leader Rob Ashton in the federal NDP leadership race, signaling a desire for a return to the party’s working-class roots.

The Conservative Party, particularly under Pierre Poilievre, is actively courting working-class voters with a message focused on affordability, cutting taxes, and repealing Liberal-NDP policies. At a packed town hall on Vancouver Island, Poilievre framed housing unaffordability and crime as failures directly impacting working people, using populist symbolism to position himself as their champion. But crime is not increasing. It is a dog whistle for repressive measures. This strategy builds on a long-term trend of using diversionary cultural issues and economic nationalism to attract workers to the Conservatives. Of course the official party platform of the Tories is replete with a full-scale war on unions and on wages, working conditions, and major social needs such as health and education. Poilievre’s populism is an opportunistic lie, made possible by the utter failure of the union and NDP bureaucrats to address workers’ issues and advance real solutions.

Labour begins to fight back:

Feeling squeezed, labour unions are becoming more assertive. After the longest transit strike in BC’s history last year, union representatives warn that “labour is more militant now” and future strikes are possible in the absence of meaningful bargaining. Labour leaders are also uniting to demand a “worker-centred trade policy” that protects domestic jobs from the volatility of global trade deals. Unions are fiercely criticizing past trade deals for prioritizing corporate interests, leading to plant closures and precarious work.

Wage growth is slowing (3.3% in January) and is expected to remain limited due to “soft labour market conditions.” A critical, underlying issue is a sense of powerlessness. Workers are feeling that “people like me have no say” and that “politicians only care about the rich and powerful”. Such disaffection is a major driver of the current political volatility. Without leadership, clear direction and mass action, the workers are correct. Their power is muted and the capitalist state serves the billionaires. In short, the Canadian working class is economically anxious and politically disaffected, creating a volatile landscape where traditional party loyalties are weakening and new, more assertive voices—from militant unions to populist conservatives—are vying for support.

This context should be fertile ground for the NDP to expose Tory populism as an outright lie and the Carney government as entirely an agent of bankers and billionaires. The Carney Liberals have shifted sharply to the right as they attempt to deal with escalating economic attacks by the increasingly fascistic US ruling class and their violent state apparatus. Carney opposes Trump on trade, but not foreign policy. He supports the US proxy war against Russia in Ukraine, US illegal attacks on Venezuela, Cuba and Iran, and US backed Zionist genocide against Palestinians and other Arab forces. This Liberal posture opens wide doors for the NDP to pose a strong challenge to the capitalist parties and to mobilize international solidarity among all workers and oppressed across the globe.

But in the last federal election the NDP, following their alliance with the Trudeau government, was almost wiped out, winning only 7 seats and losing official party status in the House of Commons. The Party is now down to 6 seats, with the loss of Inuvik. During the race for a new NDP leader, top bureaucrats excluded two socialist candidates from competing, refusing to allow members the right to decide. All 5 vetted candidates are reformists who think capitalism can be fixed and that billionaires should pay a bit more tax but remain in charge. The party reveals no interest in challenging capitalism or advancing a genuine workers’ agenda. Under the current social democratic, anti-democratic leadership, working people are left abandoned, facing a growing shift by the capitalist class across the west to increasing exploitation, repression of workers struggles, and even outright violence.

History of union relations to the NDP

This is a story of a bond that, while symbolically powerful, was never as robust as commonly perceived and has significantly weakened over time. The relationship has evolved from formal institutional ties based on a degree of class consciousness to a more fragmented and transactional connection.

Here is a timeline tracing the extent of this affiliation:

1961: The Founding Partnership between the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), designating the party as the “political arm of organized labour”. Affiliation to the new party was based on individual unions and per-capita fees.

1963: The Peak of Affiliation. Formal union affiliation peaks at just 14.6% of union members, falling far short of the hoped-for realignment of working-class politics. Union leaders seemed more committed to the NDP than their rank-and-file members.

1970s-1980s: A Period of Gradual Decline. Affiliation numbers continues to fall, reaching roughly 7-8% by the early 1980s. Despite this drop in formal membership, unions remained a critical financial pillar, contributing an average of 18.4% of the party’s annual revenue and providing essential campaign resources like staff and organizers.

1993: A Major Rupture. The Ontario NDP government, under Premier Bob Rae, passes Social Contract legislation, which rolled back public-sector wages and suspended collective bargaining rights. This betrayal profoundly alienated the labour movement. The Ontario Federation of Labour voted to condemn the government, and many unions began re-evaluating their traditional link to the party.

2000s: The Weakening of Ties. Federal campaign finance reform (2004-2006) bans union (and corporate) donations, severing a key financial link. This, combined with the party’s lack of electoral success, accelerates the search for alternative strategies. In a historic first, the Ontario Liberals receive more in union campaign contributions than the Ontario NDP in 2003. The fracture deepens when CAW President Buzz Hargrove endorses strategic voting for the Liberals in 2006, leading to his expulsion from the NDP and a formal break with the union.

2020s: A New, Pragmatic Relationship. Formal ties are now much weaker. The 2021 NDP convention changed its constitution to grant union delegates positions based on union size rather than the number of card-carrying NDP members within the union, an attempt to reverse declining labour clout. While some unions remain close, many now pursue independent political strategies, including issue-based campaigns and tactical endorsements (often for the Liberals) to stop Conservative candidates. It is a ‘pragmatic’ approach known as Gomperism which is the antithesis of independent labour political action.

Despite the decline in formal NDP affiliation, unions still play a significant role as a source of candidates, volunteers, and as a moderating reformist block in the party leadership and conventions. In essence, the NDP-union relationship has moved from one of formal partnership to a more complex and fragmented landscape where loyalty is no longer assured.

Conclusion

The growing desperation of the capitalist class to offset the falling rate of profit and resist the rapidly escalating predatory efforts by the U.S. hegemon will steadily, even rapidly, increase the downward pressure on wages, jobs and living costs. As capitalist screws are tightened on the working class, the privileged, conservative and self-interested layer of bureaucrats who run the trade unions and the NDP will strive to protect their privileges by dampening the response of the rank and file. Instead of mobilizing independent mass strikes, instead of encouraging national and international solidarity and elevating the economic struggle to the political level, to defend workers’ rights and smash anti-labour laws, the bureaucrats will strive to keep the struggle within the bounds of capitalist rules and laws. If they are successful, the workers will lose as they did during the rise of neo-liberalism and concession bargaining.

The stifling of socialists and anti-capitalist demands within the NDP, as demonstrated in the current leadership race, must be resisted. Only the victory of the united workers fighting for workers power and opening the path to socialism can save all of us from capitalist ruination and the grave threat of nuclear holocaust.

Socialists must find a voice, an open expression to bring our indispensable program to workers and their allies, to educate, agitate and organize as we collectively build an effective new leadership. We must strengthen our voice independent of the labour/NDP bureaucrats by speaking out, publishing, and coaching the emerging class warriors. We must be organized locally and nationally to promote our powerful new program “Capitalism Can’t Be Fixed”. We will join picket lines of workers and their allies, hold rallies, demonstrations and conduct education classes. We will share our knowledge and learn from this new generation of revolutionaries.

Paraphrasing Karl Marx, we revolutionary socialists disdain to conceal our views and aims. We openly declare that our ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a socialist revolution. The workers and their oppressed allies have nothing to lose but their chains. We have a world to win. Workers of All Countries, Unite!